The last week has seen the publication of further evidence about the state of the UK economy. First came some promising data on sales, the headline figure suggesting an increase of 1.8% in sales during March. To some extent this was aided by freak conditions - as people brought forward their consumption of fuel at the end of the month owing to fears of a strike by petrol tanker drivers. But retail sales excluding automotive fuel rose by 1.5% over the course of the month, suggesting that relatively little of the growth was due to the unusual circumstances.

Next came the GDP figures for the first quarter of this year. These indicate that the economy slipped back into recession, with negative growth being observed for the second successive quarter. The overall growth rate in the first quarter was -0.2%, but this figure tends to conceal experience that differs quite markedly across industries. The construction sector, in particular, performed badly, with a growth rate of -3.0% in the first quarter. Services (which comprise a high proportion of total output in the economy) grew, but by only 0.1%. So the news on GDP has been very disappointing (albeit not surprising to readers of this blog).

More encouraging news has come in the form of a boost to consumer confidence, with the Nationwide reporting a marked jump in its indicator.

Yet, while the first quarter of this year has been one in which there are a few (very patchy) signs of life in the economy, the wider environment remains one in which there are many uncertainties and downside risks. Spain has become a renewed source of concern - the spread between Spanish and German interest rates increased in early April and shows no sign of coming down any time soon - this spread currently stands at more than 4 percentage points. At the beginning of March it was 3, and at the end of March it was 3.5. Meanwhile, the unemployment rate in Spain has risen to more than 24%, presenting a severe challenge to government policy and raising questions about the sustainability of the country's debt - which is already approaching 80% of GDP. Parallels with Greece are starting to be drawn - but Spain's economy is much bigger than that of Greece, and its difficulties are likely therefore to have larger ramifications elsewhere.

The overall position therefore remains one that is best described as gloomy.

It is a while since I have updated the forecasts produced by my neural network model for the UK. Over the last few weeks, a number of indicators have suggested that there are increasing grounds for confidence.

The forecasts produced by my model do not back this up - indeed they suggest that we may need to wait till the first half of 2013 before we see growth re-establishing itself. After a slight upward blip (round about now), the model predicts that the rate of growth of output will dip back down. Once growth resumes, it rises quite sharply to around 2% per year.



The forecast is, of course, based only on limited information - about industrial output. It is not sophisticated enough to include information about policy shocks - changes in the behaviour of the European Central Bank, the successful Greek debt renegotiation, and so on. It therefore looks, to me, to be a pessimistic forecast. But it may serve, if nothing else, to remind us that times are still uncertain, and there remain some serious downside risks.

In the run up to the budget, there is much interest in the top 50% rate of income tax. Some commentators argue for retaining this band, while others would like to scrap it – the latter group claiming that such a high rate of tax carries the risk that high income entrepreneurs will choose to leave the country rather than pay the tax.

Some evidence on this issue comes from the work of Mathias Trabandt and Harald Uhlig, who calculate ‘Laffer curves’ for a variety of countries. Laffer curves plot tax revenues against the tax rate. Tax revenues are low when the tax rate is low for obvious reasons; they are also low when the tax rate is high because there is then a strong disincentive effect. The Laffer curve therefore takes on an inverse U shape, low at the extremes and peaking at some non-extreme rate of tax. For the UK the Laffer curve peaks at an income tax rate somewhere between 50 and 60 per cent. This suggests that the current top rate is about right.

Results that are apparently strong emerge from simple models of the economy such as those that appear in the textbooks used by our students. In reality, the world is rarely as simple as these models might suggest. More complex models often generate more complex results - in other words, things are rarely so simple as they appear.

The current generation of macroeconomic models is based on building blocks of utility maximising individuals and profit maximising firms, all with the ability to make sensible forecasts of the future evolution of the economy and with the ability to adjust their behaviour in line with the current and expected future economic environment - which includes, amongst other things, government policy. There is a lot going on in these models - just as there is a lot going on in the real world. In many cases, the results obtained from these models are the same as those that emerge from the textbook models. In some cases - unusual cases, perhaps - they are not. Since we live in unusual times, it is not altogether ludicrous to consider some of these unusual cases.

A recent paper does just that. It asks the question: in a world where sovreign debt is approaching the limits of sustainability, does fiscal policy work in the same way as textbook models say it should? The answer is: it may do, it may not. Under certain (extreme) circumstances it may even be the case that austerity can stimulate the economy. Under more plausible scenarios, however, the results of the paper emphasise the 'benefit of delaying fiscal adjustment until after the economy has recovered from the worst of the initial recession'

Giancarlo Corsetti, Keith Kuester, Andre Meier and Gernot J. Mueller (2012). Sovreign risk, fiscal policy, and macroeconomic stability International Monetary Fund Working Paper

The operations of the European Central Bank since December have helped stabilise what had, until then, looked an increasingly precarious state in the financial sector. Spreads (measuring the difference between the interest rate that a country needs to pay on debt and that which Germany needs to pay) had, until December, risen in a number of European countries and were reaching disturbing levels. The spreads are still high for Greece, of course, and are still high in Portugal (though it recently dipped below 10 after hitting a high of over 15). In Spain, the spread has fallen from over 4.5 to around 3.5; in Italy from about 5.5 to 3.8; and in France from around 2 to around 1.1. Moreover, in the UK, the LIBOR - often seen as an indicator of how confident banks are in lending to one another - has started to fall, thus suggesting that some confidence is being restored in the system - though it still remains more than half a percentage point above the central bank's rate of interest.

Meanwhile, consumer confidence has started to rise.

It remains far too early to suggest that a corner has been turned. Future developments in Europe remain unclear. While monetary policy, with renewed quantitative easing, is likely to stimulate the UK's economy, fiscal policy is still restricting growth. And the labour market situation remains bleak; unemployment typically rises for some time after output starts to recover. But, while still very fragile, the overall economic outlook now looks more promising than has been the case for some time.

The UK's output fell by 0.2% in the last quarter of 2011. This is no surprise - some observers have been predicting a fourth quarter fall in output for over 18 months now. That being the case, the policy response has been disappointing. But perhaps that is, in part at least, because official forecasters - such as the Office for Budget Responsibility - got their forecasts wrong. The predictions made by these bodies do indeed impact on policy, and the question needs to be asked: why did these forecasters fail to predict a downturn that was both predictable and predicted?

The International Monetary Fund now predicts the Euro area to go into recession this year. It is predicting growth of 0.6% for the UK - this may or may not mean recession in the early part of the year. The Fund anticipates that 'adverse spillovers from the euro area' will stall growth in a wider range of countries, and that the 'downside risks have risen sharply'. Crucially, the Fund states that countries 'with very low interest rates or other factors that create adequate fiscal space, including some in the euro area, should reconsider the pace of near-term fiscal consolidation'. The meaning of 'fiscal space' is discussed in a blog post by Jonathan Portes. The implications for UK policy are clear.

It's taken the IMF a while to get it - but they have not been alone in the policy-making community. Hopefully their words will not fall on deaf ears.

There have been mixed signals about the economy of late, but consumer confidence remains low. Developments in Europe - with continued uncertainty about the Greek bailout and the future of the euro - combined with further evidence that banks are once again reluctant to lend (with a high and rising LIBOR) render the macroeconomic environment fragile. Meanwhile, the dampening effect of austerity measures on growth has become increasingly evident. A further burst of quantitative easing should be expected in the spring - though that may well come too late to prevent the UK from slipping back into recession.

Youth unemployment is a problem of increasing concern - over a million youths (between the ages of 16 and 24) are now unemployed in the UK; the youth unemployment rate is 22%, well above the overall unemployment rate of 8.6%. The trajectory is up.

The willingness of employers to hire labour is, of course, determined in large measure by its cost. Youth wages have risen by less than adult wages over the last 15 years, so it is not immediately obvious that this is the source of the problem. The elasticity of the real youth wage with respect to the youth unemployment rate is negative (as we would expect) at around -0.1, indicating that a change in the youth unemployment rate from (say) 10 to 11 per cent would bring about a 10 per cent fall in youth wages. That should help to make young people more attractive to employers. Meanwhile, the elasticity of youth wages with respect to the adult wage is high (at a little over 0.8).

Weakening the link between youth wages and adult wages - making youth wages more responsive to conditions in the labour market specifically for young people - might, over the longer term, help alleviate the difficulties that many young people experience in finding work. Of more immediate concern, many firms lack the confidence to invest in new projects that would expand employment, and, where they do wish to invest, they still often lack the access to finance.

Some more evidence on what makes schools effective comes from Will Dobbie and Roland Fryer. They find that a mix of policies - including setting clear and high expectations, obtaining regular feedback on teachers, making data-based decisions on pedagogical issues - explain a substantial part of the differences in performance across schools. In light of the work that I reported in a recent blog entry, it is clear that there is a very durable impact associated with high quality schooling. The policies suggested by Dobbie and Fryer are therefore worthy of serious consideration.

Recent work by Raj Chetty, John Friedman and Jonah Rockoff suggests that teacher quality has a very considerable impact on students' outcomes - not just in terms of test scores but also in terms of lifetime earnings. These findings have obvious policy implications, but the fact remains that we still know remarkably little about how to create a good teacher. Dan Goldhaber and Emily Anthony provide some evidence that suggests that the characteristics of high quality teachers can be identified - but it is not clear that all of these characteristics can be delivered through training programmes. Based on what we do know, however, Rick Hanushek and Steven Rivkin suggest that an appropriate response is to tighten up on the subject-specific qualifications that are required of teachers, and simultaneously to firm up on human resource management - in particular tightening promotion and retention criteria. In light of the new evidence on the returns to high quality teaching, the societal benefits of such an approach are likely to be substantial.



Goldhaber, D., & Anthony, E. (2007). Can Teacher Quality Be Effectively Assessed? National Board Certification as a Signal of Effective Teaching Review of Economics and Statistics, 89 (1), 134-150 DOI: 10.1162/rest.89.1.134

Recent research by David Deming, Claudia Goldin and Larry Katz should provide a reality check for those keen on promoting the development of for-profit higher education in the UK. Using data from the US - where for-profits are now a significant player - the authors find that graduates of such institutions are more prone to unemployment and have lower earnings than those from more traditional universities. Moreover - and surely of immediate concern to government - graduates from the for-profit sector face much more severe problems of debt and their default rates on student loans are particularly high.

This evidence is particularly interesting in the context of yesterday's speech by David Willetts, Minister of State for Universities and Science, in which the goal of 'inviting proposals for a new type of university with a focus on science and technology ... (with) ... no additional government funding' was announced. There is, surely, a role to be played by the private sector in higher education. The case in favour of for-profits is not so clear.

Evidence to support my blog post of 16 December comes from the chief economist of the International Monetary Fund, Olivier Blanchard - 'substantial fiscal consolidation is needed, and debt levels must decrease. But it should be, in the words of Angela Merkel, a marathon rather than a sprint'. This is because IMF research suggests that 'it does not take large multipliers for the joint effects of fiscal consolidation and the implied lower growth to lead in the end to an increase, not a decrease, in risk spreads on government bonds'.

Daniel Gros provides a clear economic analysis of an issue that has been prominent in recent debates. The question is whether austerity measures can, by reducing growth, serve to worsen government budget deficits. Gros finds that this is indeed possible in the short run, but not in the long run.

The long run finding is not surprising - to find otherwise would imply that (simply by reversing austerity measures) we could get 'money for nothing'. It is the short run finding that is both interesting and important - because it places importance on the pace with which austerity measures are applied. Few (if any) serious commentators would argue with the need to narrow the budget deficit. The choices are about how best to achieve this.

President Sarkozy and Chancellor Merkel are engaged in discussions about how to ensure fiscal discipline in the Eurozone. Amidst much rhetoric about fiscal union, there are differences about how this should be achieved. Merkel favours strict control of member states' budgets by the European institutions, with heavy penalties for members that violate limits. Sarkozy is reluctant to cede sovreignty. Both leaders are in glass houses; the early violations by their countries of the budget deficit limits of the 1997 Stability and Growth Pact set the scene for more widespread transgressions.

The leaders must tread a tough line - going too far too fast threatens democracy, but not going far enough threatens to prolong the crisis. A key part of the solution should surely involve automatic imposition of disciplinary measures. Conditional bonds continue to look as though they offer an attractive (albeit maybe only partial) solution.

It's good to see some sense of sanity returning in one place at least - the spread between French and German rates on 10 year bonds has tumbled back down to more sensible levels.

Meanwhile, the corresponding spread for Italy is proving to be somewhat more stubborn, though it has fallen by more than 0.75% points since 9 November.

Concerted action by several central banks, aimed at increasing liquidity by making it cheaper to borrow dollars, has been well received by the markets - possibly less for itself than because it hints at a growing awareness that the European Central Bank will indeed need to intervene through quantitative easing.

The OECD's latest forecasts (p.236) suggest that the UK is now slipping back into recession, with negative quarter-on-quarter growth in the fourth quarter of this year and the first quarter of 2012. This is in line with my own forecasts, though the OECD predicts a somewhat earlier recovery - with second quarter output rising, and (very) modest growth (but growth nevertheless) of 0.5% in 2012, taking the year as a whole.

The OECD also expects (p.222) the output gap - the gap between actual and potential output - to rise during 2012; this is a predictable consequence of recession. In the wake of the severe fall in output during the Great Recession, their estimates of the magnitude of this gap still look to be on the low side.

The forecasts for unemployment, unsurprisingly given renewed recession and very feeble recovery, are for continued increases over the next two years.

Details of the government's credit easing scheme have started to emerge in advance of this week's Autumn Statement. The government will introduce three schemes aimed at increasing the flow of credit to firms. These include underwriting bank loans, putting government money into an investment fund run jointly with the private sector, and enabling companies to issue bonds directly to the market. Together, these schemes should provide a significant flow of funds to businesses just at a time when conditions in the financial sector appear once again to be tightening. The package is very much to be welcomed.

Meanwhile, the Office for Budgetary Responsibility looks set to reduce its growth forecasts. This is no surprise - as I have stated elsewhere on this blog, a reasonable forecast for the coming months is for renewed recession. The credit easing package will not prevent this - the buffeting that demand is taking from the downturn in our major trading partners is too severe to be fully mitigated by any plausible dometic policy - but it will, to some extent, help.

John Muellbauer reminds us of Wim Boonstra's proposal for conditional Eurobonds - these would allow indebted economies to borrow on the financial markets at a rate of interest which - if conditions on their success in tackling their indebtedness are met - is contracted to fall over time. Boonstra first proposed such an instrument in 1991 - long before the introduction of the Euro. It's a clever idea.

Whether conditional bonds alone provide a solution to the current crisis is moot, however. The high interest rate premia (over and above German rates) that attach to Italian bonds - the spread is still around 5 percentage points. The corresponding measure for Spain is almost as high. The measures for Greece and Portugal are in silly territory. One might argue that the European Central Bank (ECB) needs to inflate some of the debt away in order to make conditions right for the introduction of conditional bonds. But if, by putting such bonds in place, we could guarantee that such an inflation would be a one-shot event, convincing the (still inflation-shy) German government that this is what the ECB must do might become a more feasible proposition.

Wim Boonstra (1991). The EMU and national autonomy on budget issues: an alternative to the Delors and free market approaches Finance and the international economy: the AMEX Bank Review prize essays, 4

The Nationwide's consumer confidence index took another tumble in October. The index has now fallen to a level below the previous worst ever scores (observed in January 2009 and February 2011). The economic environment is turbulent and the gloom is justified. Much of the policy response has now to come from abroad, with the EU still struggling to establish a coherent approach to the debt problem. But we must also look to the Chancellor's Autumn Statement at the end of this month to provide a boost to demand.